{"id":8665,"date":"2023-01-19T11:00:53","date_gmt":"2023-01-19T11:00:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.taxpolicy.org.uk\/?p=8665"},"modified":"2023-02-01T11:42:56","modified_gmt":"2023-02-01T11:42:56","slug":"zahawi_story","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/heacham.neidles.com\/2023\/01\/19\/zahawi_story\/","title":{"rendered":"Nadhim Zahawi – the whole story"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
UPDATE: this was written on 19 January, and I haven’t updated it. We subsequently learned (thanks to the Guardian) that Zahawi had been charged a large penalty<\/a>. And we now know, thanks to Sir Laurie Magnus<\/a>, that HMRC started investigating Zahawi well before the start of this timeline, and that Zahawi knew about that by April 2021. This timeline therefore is too kind to Zahawi: his deceptions were more serious than I knew on 19 January. It is also not kind enough to HMRC; it seems likely that, but the time I started analysing the Balshore structure, HMRC were already onto it.<\/em> <\/p>\n\n\n\n There’s a very lengthy backstory to Nadhim Zahawi’s HMRC settlement, and lots of people have been asking me to summarise it. Here goes<\/em><\/strong>:<\/p>\n\n\n\n 23 June 2022: I fired a Freedom of Information Act request at HMRC to establish if any Ministers are under HMRC enquiry. I was initially told at at least one was; HMRC now tell me none are. (This is important later.) Mentioned in the later FT story here<\/a>.1<\/a><\/sup>For completeness, the story doesn’t mention me because I asked Jim Pickard to keep my name out of it, and he kindly obliged – it felt too political for where I wanted Tax Policy Associates to be. The original FOIA application was mine, but Jim worked with me on interpreting it and responding to it, and deserves credit for the story that started the path that led to my Zahawi findings.<\/span> <\/p>\n\n\n\n 5 July 2022: Nadhim Zahawi becomes Chancellor of the Exchequer<\/p>\n\n\n\n 6 July 2022: The Independent reports<\/a> that Zahawi had been the subject of an investigation by the NCA, the SFO and HMRC. Zahawi denied this \u2013 but how would he know if he was being investigated? Then the Guardian reports<\/a> that the Cabinet Office had raised a \u201cred flag\u201d about Zahawi\u2019s tax affairs before his appointment as Chancellor. This was pointedly not denied by the Cabinet Office. That caught my interest. I pulled all the publicly available documents on Zahawi’s business activities and started looking through them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 7 July 2022: I spot a filing error in the accounts of an unrelated company, Crowd2Fund Limited, which proves that Balshore Investments Limited, a Gibraltar company previously linked to Zahawi, is held by a trust controlled by Zahawi’s parents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 9 July 2022: I conclude that, when Zahawi established YouGov in 2000, he arranged for the founder shares that would have been his to go to Balshore. It paid nothing for the shares. The only plausible reason for this is tax avoidance. I check my conclusions carefully and speak to tax accountants, solicitors, QCs and retired HMRC inspectors, as well as entrepreneurs familiar with startup formation. I’m stunned by the unanimity of opinion: this stinks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 10 July 2022: I publish<\/a>. I’ve calculated the tax I think Zahawi avoided – it’s mostly the gain on the YouGov shares which would have been subject to CGT had Zahawi held them, but is tax free in Gibraltar. The figure is \u00a33.7m (a lower bound; I make some conservative assumptions).<\/p>\n\n\n\n 11 July 2022: Zahawi is interviewed by Kay Burley<\/a>. He says: \u201cThere have been claims I benefit from an offshore trust. Again let me be clear, I do not benefit from an offshore trust. Nor does my wife. We don\u2019t benefit at all from that.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n 13 July 2022: Zahawi’s people have been claiming Balshore got the shares because his father provided startup capital. I go through all the documents and accounts again, and am satisfied this is false. I say so<\/a>, and challenge Zahawi to correct me if I’ve gotten it wrong. I know his people see this.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 14 July 2022: Zahawi’s people respond by seamlessly jumping to a new explanation: that Balshore got the YouGov shares because Zahawi “had no experience of running a business at the time and so relied heavily on the support and guidance of his father, who was an experienced entrepreneur”. There is nothing in any documentation I could find, or in the publically known history of YouGov, to support this story.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 16 July 2022, 8am: An investigation by The Times<\/a> suggests the new explanation is false – YouGov itself, and people present at its founding, say his father wasn’t involved in the business. Zahawi is able to rustle up two people who say they met his father and he was helpful. I’m pretty helpful – nobody hands me a 40% shareholding in their startup.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 16 July 2022, 8.40am: I conclude this all means Zahawi’s first explanation, that his father provided startup capital, was a lie. It is provably false, and the ease with which he slipped to a new explanation suggests it was deliberately false. I tweet this<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 16 July 2022, 5pm: I receive a Twitter direct message<\/a> from Osborne Clarke, Zahawi’s libel lawyers, asking to speak. I tell him to put anything he has to say in writing, and that I won’t accept “without prejudice” correspondence (which is normally kept private):<\/p>\n\n\n\n